What Would Make America Great Again

• Periodical Listing
• Front Psychol
• PMC8079816

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Great Again? National Nostalgia's Result on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

^anePsychology Section, N Carolina Land Academy, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

²Psychology Department, Virginia Democracy University, Richmond, VA, Us

Jeffrey D. Green

^twoPsychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United states

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Section, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, Us

Received 2020 April 25; Accepted 2021 Mar 5.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this report tin can be found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Scientific discipline Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this written report.

Abstract

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the past that has been shown to increment feelings of pregnant, social connectedness, and cocky-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may be negative consequences of grouping-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a form of collective nostalgia), and its effects on group identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of U.s. voters (North = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though at that place was no evidence of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia well-nigh strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Results from this study will assist us better sympathize how the feel of national nostalgia tin can influence attitudes and motivate political behavior.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump'southward tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his entreatment to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, equally many as nine one thousand thousand voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged inside these discussions equally a mainstay of Trump'southward political entreatment: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential campaign through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a wide scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist political party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside cornball messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-fly populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United States, several studies provide strong evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For instance, survey enquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more than so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a pregnant increment in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). All the same, no research has of however established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this terminate, in this newspaper, we present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion singled-out from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice as well as back up for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people study experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often structure their nowadays in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social back up (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connection function of nostalgia is a principal artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although cornball memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive cocky-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions past evoking and making more than salient one'southward symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative effects of depression social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Chiefly, those who are more than likely to feel nostalgia (i.due east., those high in personal nostalgia) are besides more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups equally a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages across the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more than complex when considering nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to have a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous private level counterparts, such equally when an individual might experience potent pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or commonage nostalgia—can exist experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (eastward.g., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Similar individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation twenty-four hour period, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (metropolis). However, unlike individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the class of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did non experience, but rather one that was passed down through collective retentiveness (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes as well as an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study one). Commonage nostalgia also tin can increase group-oriented prosociality (e.yard., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Collective cocky-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective cornball result increased collective self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has plant additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

Nonetheless, there are two sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of collective political action was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic retentivity (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup fellow member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report three). Still, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increment intergroup contact when individuals tin can experience commonage nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of former Yugoslavians who had settled in Commonwealth of australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to division and subsequent disharmonize) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (simply not control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is ane blazon of collective nostalgia that is felt while cocky-categorizing as a citizen of a specific land, and is likely to be associated with item intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval can facilitate coping (eastward.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country'southward good quondam days—may increment felt closeness to beau natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. Nonetheless, cornball revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) besides equally prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were non predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to exist associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This stardom between personal and national nostalgia may prevarication in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one'due south ingroup past an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-beingness, and typically include the domains of physical safe, political power, and economical security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come nigh from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, at that place frequently is overlap betwixt them, particularly considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

I salient factor in perceived threat for members of bulk groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat beingness evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable ready of studies past Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the United states population was condign more diverse (relative to control conditions)—that the per centum of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible caption on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes potent feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with cocky-categorizing at the group level, evoking i'southward national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about 1'south group-based identity, and may have the beneficial event of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connexion (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns almost the futurity of 1's country predicted increased commonage nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Yet, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.one thousand., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increment perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may exist threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for case, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the future, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this stardom has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies accept direct examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any establish relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often use national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's by and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which and so serves to evoke commonage angst about group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe plant consequent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious by" while denigrating the country's present, as well every bit themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the political party were the cause of this discontinuity between past and present, and b) increasing the land's strength and opposition to political party opponents would return the nation to its erstwhile glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that aperture, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain back up for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the part of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Groovy Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s.a. had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he fabricated numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in function, to blame for this reject (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United states of america. Exit polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, as White voters were the only racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing and then by a large margin of 20 pct points (CNN, 2016)². Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important part in voters' selection to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that back up for Trump was almost strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of not-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our written report was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric besides equally increases in racial prejudice in the Usa following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. We idea it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United States history and the e'er-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the United states of america, of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (U.s. Census Agency, 2020).

The Current Study

We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 United states presidential election. We also examined the interplay betwixt national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey data taken effectually the time of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our information were collected ~i year after the election, assuasive us to see how our participants felt afterward President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Great Again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to engagement, about all of this piece of work has been conducted outside of the U.s.; thus, this enquiry would explore the potential link betwixt national nostalgia and political attitudes also as study the miracle in the US sociopolitical landscape. In addition, we included a validated measure out of personal nostalgia in society to better examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well as to assess whether each blazon of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Volition national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Inquiry Question iii. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a small-scale correlation of r = 0.09^three with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.nine% female, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified every bit Democrats, 25.iv% Independent, 23.four% Republican, and 7.2% every bit Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (world wide web.mturk.com) during the Autumn of 2017 and compensated $0.xxx for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Research Middle, 2018); however, nosotros purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upwardly 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an authentic reflection of the 2016 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Calibration (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized every bit how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how meaning participants felt cornball experiences were to them. The calibration included seven items (e.yard., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from ane (Not at all) to seven (Very much). To build on by national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of one'southward national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reverberate American nationality [e.g., "How ofttimes do you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, nosotros wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump'due south presidency. This calibration consisted of 16 items (e.g., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a ane (Non at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to mensurate realistic threat perceptions (e.grand., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only among White participants. The measure out includes 12 items (e.1000., "African Americans concur also many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly hold) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Blackness individuals. The mensurate consisted of 8 items (e.yard., "It's really a matter of some people not trying difficult plenty; if Blacks would only try harder they could be just too off as Whites.") rated on a ane (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly hold) calibration.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from one (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Conservative). Participants besides chose which political party they almost strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants and then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential ballot (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do y'all experience like we need to 'Make America Corking Again'?" on a 1 (Not at all) to seven (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the axis of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each item was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to v (Strongly concord) scale.

Demographics

Participants terminal reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey near their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. Later indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a single, 1 week period in the Fall of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than two attending cheque items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and cypher-order correlations are displayed in Table i. To exam our hypotheses, we conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS 5. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Post-obit these baseline models, we also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the north for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the ability analysis).

Table 1

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Variable	1	two	3	4	5	6	seven	8	9	10	12	thirteen	14	M/Percentage	SD
1	Indigenous/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													3.38	0.92
2	Personal Nostalgia	0.15**	0.92												4.85	1.19
3	National Nostalgia	0.eighteen**	0.32***	0.90											2.85	1.16
four	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	1.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									2.38	1.52
vi	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
7	MAGA	0.14**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	2.72
viii	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						3.48	1.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.threescore***	0.63***	–					23.4%	–
ten	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
eleven	Independent	−0.15*	−0.03	0.05	−0.fourteen*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.four%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.xviii**	0.18**	0.nineteen**	0.10	0.xv*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.one% (F)	–
xiii	Age	0.01	0.10	0.08	−0.04	−0.20**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
14	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.4% (EA)	–

Master Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would exist related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in stride 2 of the model to place their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In footstep 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that college conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.xxx, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −i.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes above and across political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = nine.xc, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Effigy 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship betwixt national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, indigenous identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model i, Hypothesis 1 was once more supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question 1

To assess whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Political party Amalgamation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going frontwards). Political political party affiliation was coded every bit ane = Republican, ii = Democrat, and 3 = Contained and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this assay, data from participants who did not identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 West/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party affiliation was the merely significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial ηⁱⁱ = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = one.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (Thousand = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (Chiliad = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. At that place was no main event of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(ane, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction between political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure ii displays these results.

Relationship between political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes past racial identity. Note. Error bars stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results farther, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro five. iii.four (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with five,000 resamples, which indicated a meaning higher-order interaction consequence between political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience amongst White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (M = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.xix)]; simple slope deviation F _{(ii, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no meaning difference in racial identity salience was found among Black/African-American participants; simple slope deviation F _{(ii, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple chief effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally as important to them every bit Black participants; M = three.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.sixteen, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly college ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).

Racial identity salience amongst Blackness/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Notation. Error bars stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

Nosotros also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model i) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but only amongst White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Amid those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and loftier [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a terminal examination of Enquiry Question 1, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure iv) was compared with Path Model 1 to over again examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to note that path models are mostly considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(ten) = forty.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09^six; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction betwixt race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased indigenous identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Notation. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) as well equally perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table ane). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model ane) with v,000 resamples. A significant moderation result was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ² = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = 19.sixty, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Effigy v (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-pregnant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −1 SD beneath the mean of SNS). However, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +ii SDs in a higher place the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure 5). Interestingly, this effect was institute separately for both White [ΔR ^two = 0.03, F _{(ane, 77)} = v.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but in that location was no significant three-mode interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), and then the results in Effigy 5 are displayed for all participants.

Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes chastened by anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display simple slopes at −2, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question 3

Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A chastened mediation model was synthetic using Hayes' Process macro (model 8) to appraise whether the proposed mediational issue might differ betwixt European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a meaning indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect issue did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.xiii).

Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model iii (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model iii showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.fourscore, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When bookkeeping for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did non (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect outcome β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path analysis of relationships betwixt national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated past racial threat sensitivity (Model three). Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates. Indirect consequence of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.eighteen; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.x, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our written report, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, every bit well as increased perceived racial threat amid White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the U.s. (due east.1000., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a potent semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump'southward campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—amidst those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To amend answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our first research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found partial evidence for this idea, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no evidence of a human relationship between race and support for the President. At first glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'southward messaging appealed by and large to White voters. Still, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience chastened the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified every bit either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans as well expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity equally important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Every bit members of the bulk group, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more than centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some inquiry suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Nevertheless, there is an issue of causality, equally these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central part of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) establish that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of bigotry confronting Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist and so attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in order to foment anxiety about the country of the land while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups equally scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We plant that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational consequence was constitute amongst both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction consequence may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes amid those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with show that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in item, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In item, these findings marshal with converging evidence that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the skillful old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the confront of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may raise belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "good sometime days" when 1's group was perceived to exist higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is too possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its ain fashion, by allowing individuals to experience connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, coordinating to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging just not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, hereafter work should examine these questions via multiple methods, specially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) commonage nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cross-exclusive group of The states Mturk workers in the Autumn of 2017, so these results are nearly generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Blackness/AA social groups inside the Us, and future analysis of national nostalgia should continue to assess unlike ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a want by some to get back in time, due to perceived grouping identity threats. Future research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such every bit manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises every bit a defence confronting perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia inquiry has been at the trait level. Farther work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would let united states to better understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should besides go on to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for farther inquiry in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the United states Capitol Building in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An boosted question to exist explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump'south presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a multifariousness of settings and when considering a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions near i's national group identity. Nevertheless, the nature of the construct suggests it may besides operate through evoking shared historical noesis and schemas about one'due south group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great over again" and other cornball political rhetoric is specially controversial in the United states because minority groups have achieved significant advances in civil rights in contempo history, and a telephone call to return to a former time may imply a call for a render to a sometime and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among diverse ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with different histories.

Future inquiry might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.g., economical) vs. symbolic (eastward.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior enquiry has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more than psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, equally concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage feet, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the e'er-evolving demographic makeup of the U.s.a. (as well as many other countries), farther work in this area should include individuals who place with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should also be expanded to wait at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social class, instruction level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of commonage cornball experience, is a promising lens through which to clarify attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this miracle has been studied elsewhere (generally in European and Asian nations), this is the first study, to our knowledge, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one's personal past—does not accept the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, specially in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

At that place may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include behavior for a past that never was; in this case, an America that was not as white as some recollect. Nevertheless, these national nostalgic feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study can be plant in online repositories. All reported report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and written report information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air conditioning oversaw data collection and assay. AB wrote the offset draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and pattern of the report and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

^aneWe note that intergroup relations were likewise a salient theme in the 2020 election (e.grand., the role of the Black Lives Matter movement); nonetheless, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 election in this paper.

^twoThough a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amongst Black voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Black voters every bit a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation betwixt national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

⁴The authors would like to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published simply prior to the time this report was adult. Nevertheless, the decision was fabricated prior to data collection to employ this validated scale as a more direct and statistically audio way to measure out the construct of national nostalgia.

^vAlthough structural equation models are often used to model paths among composite variables (such equally national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

⁶Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

References

• Barrett F. South., Grimm K. J., Robins R. W., Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Janata P. (2010). Music-evoked nostalgia: affect, memory, and personality. Emotion 10, 390–403. 10.1037/a0019006 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Batcho G. I., DaRin One thousand. L., Nave A. One thousand., Yaworsky R. R. (2008). Nostalgia and identity in vocal lyrics. Psychol. Aesth. Creativ. Arts 2, 236–244. 10.1037/1931-3896.2.4.236 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Brownstein R. (2016, June 2). Trump'south rhetoric of White nostalgia. The Atlantic. Bachelor online at: https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/annal/2016/06/trumps-rhetoric-of-white-nostalgia/485192/
• Cheung Due west. Y., Hepper Eastward. G., Reid C. A., Green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Anticipated nostalgia: looking forward to looking back. Cogn. Emot. 34, 511–525. 10.1080/02699931.2019.1649247 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Cheung W. Y., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2017). Nostalgia proneness and reduced prejudice. Pers. Individ. Dif. 109, 89–97. ten.1016/j.paid.2016.12.045 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• CNN (2016). Ballot 2016 Get out Polls. Retrieved from: https://edition.cnn.com/ballot/2016/results/exit-polls
• Craig Yard. A., Richeson J. A. (2018). Majority no more than? The influence of neighborhood racial diversity and salient national population changes on whites' perceptions of racial discrimination. RSF: the Russell Sage Foundation. J. Soc. Sci. 4, 141–157. x.7758/rsf.2018.4.5.07 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Craig M. A., Richeson J. A. (2014). More than diverse even so less tolerant? How the increasingly-diverse racial landscape affects white Americans' racial attitudes. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. twoscore, 750–761. 10.1177/0146167214524993 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dimitriadou M., Maciejovsky B., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2019). Commonage nostalgia and domestic land bias. J. Exp. Psychol. Appl. 25, 445–457. 10.1037/xap0000209 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dover T. L., Major B., Kaiser C. R. (2016). Members of high-status groups are threatened by pro-diversity organizational messages. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 62, 58–67. ten.1016/j.jesp.2015.x.006 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Edwards G. S., Rushin Southward. (2018). The Result of President Trump's Election on Hate Crimes. Social Science Research Network. [Google Scholar]
• Faul F., Erdfelder E., Buchner A., Lang A. G. (2009). Statistical ability analyses using G^* Power 3.one: tests for correlation and regression analyses. Behav. Res. Methods 41, 1149–1160. 10.3758/BRM.41.4.1149 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Giles M. W. (1977). Percentage black and racial hostility: an old assumption reexamined. Soc. Sci. Q. 58, 412–417. 10.1177/104438947705800704 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Greenish J. D., Cairo A. H., Sedikides S., Wildschut. (2021). The ties that bind: university nostalgia fosters relational and commonage university date. Front end. Soc. Psychol. 11:580731. 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.580731 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hayes A. F. (2013). Introduction to Mediation, Moderation, and Conditional Process Analysis: A Regression-Based Approach. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. [Google Scholar]
• Henry P. J., Sears D. O. (2002). The symbolic racism 2000 scale. Polit. Psychol. 23, 253–283. 10.1111/0162-895X.00281 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hepper E. G., Ritchie T. D., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2012). Odyssey'due south terminate: Lay conceptions of nostalgia reflect its original Homeric meaning. Emotion 12, 102–119. ten.1037/a0025167 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hooghe M., Dassonneville R. (2018). Explaining the trump vote: the event of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments. PS Political Sci. Politics 51, 528–534. 10.1017/S1049096518000367 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Huff C., Tingley D. (2015). "Who are these people?" Evaluating the demographic characteristics and political preferences of MTurk survey respondents. Res. Politics 2, 1–12. ten.1177/2053168015604648 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Jardina A. (2019). White Identity Politics. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
• Major B., Blodorn A., Blascovich M. M. (2018). The threat of increasing variety: why many White Americans support Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Group Proc. Intergroup Relat. 21, 931–940. ten.1177/1368430216677304 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Martinovic B., Jetten J., Smeekes A., Verkuyten M. (2017). Commonage memory of a dissolved country: group-based nostalgia and guilt assignment as predictors of interethnic relations between diaspora groups from former Yugoslavia. J. Soc. Political Psychol. 5, 588–607. 10.5964/jspp.v5i2.733 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• McCabe C., Kim D., King K. (2018). Improving nowadays practices in the visual display of interactions. Adv. Methods Pract. Psychol. Sci. 1, 147–165. ten.1177/2515245917746792 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Meyers L. Thou., Garst G., Guarino A. J. (2016). Applied Multivariate Enquiry: Design and Estimation. Yard Oaks, CA: Sage. [Google Scholar]
• Mols F., Jetten J. (2014). No guts, no glory: how framing the commonage past paves the fashion for anti-immigrant sentiments. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 43, 74–86. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.08.014 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Mutz D. (2018). Status threat, not economical hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. United statesA. 115, 4330–4339. 10.1073/pnas.1718155115 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pettigrew T. F. (2017). Social psychological perspectives on Trump supporters. J. Soc. Political Psychol 5, 107–116. 10.5964/jspp.v5i1.750 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pew Enquiry Center (2018). An Examination of the 2016 Electorate, Based on Validated Voters. Retrieved from: https://world wide web.pewresearch.org/politics/2018/08/09/an-examination-of-the-2016-electorate-based-on-validated-voters/ (accessed August 02, 2020).
• Phinney J. S., Ong A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of indigenous identity: electric current status and future directions. J. Couns. Psychol. 54, 271–281. 10.1037/0022-0167.54.3.271 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Reid C. A., Green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2015). Smell-evoked nostalgia. Memory 23, 157–166. 10.1080/09658211.2013.876048 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Routledge C., Arndt J., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2008). A boom from the past: the terror management office of nostalgia. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 44, 132–140. 10.1016/j.jesp.2006.11.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Samuelson R. J. (2016). 'Brand America Cracking Again' Is Not a Policy. It's an Exercise in Mass Psychology. Bachelor online at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/make-america-great-again-is-non-a-policy-its-an-exercise-in-mass-psychology/2016/07/17/e316d5a2-4ab5-11e6-bdb9-701687974517_story.html
• Schaffner B. F., Macwilliams M., Nteta T. (2018). Understanding White polarization in the 2016 vote for president: the sobering function of racism and sexism. Polit. Sci. Q. 133, 9–34. 10.1002/polq.12737 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Schildkraut D. J. (2015). "Does becoming American create a ameliorate American? How identity attachments and perceptions of discrimination affect trust and obligation," in Fear, Anxiety, and National Identity, eds N. Foner and P. Simon (New York, NY: The Russell Sage Foundation; ). [Google Scholar]
• Seate A. A., Mastro D. (2015). Media'due south influence on clearing attitudes: an intergroup threat theory approach. Commun. Monogr. 83, 194–213. 10.1080/03637751.2015.1068433 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2019). The sociality of personal and collective nostalgia. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. 30, 123–173. 10.1080/10463283.2019.1630098 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2008). Nostalgia: past, present, and hereafter. Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 17, 304–307. ten.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00595.x [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J. (2015a). Nostalgia counteracts cocky-discontinuity and restores cocky continuity. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 45, 52–61. 10.1002/ejsp.2073 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J., Hepper E. G., Zhou X. (2015b). To nostalgize: mixing memory with affect and desire. Adv. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 51, 189–273. 10.1016/bs.aesp.2014.10.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Seger C. R., Smith E. R., Mackie D. M. (2009). Subtle activation of a social categorization triggers group-level emotions. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 45, 460–467. x.1016/j.jesp.2008.12.004 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Skelley Yard. (2017). Just How Many Obama 2012-Trump 2016 Voters were there? Rasmussen Reports. [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A. (2015). National nostalgia: a grouping-based emotion that benefits the in-group merely hampers intergroup relations. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 49, 54–67. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.07.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J. (2019). Longing for 1'due south domicile country: national nostalgia and acculturation among immigrants and natives. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 69, 131–150. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2019.02.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J., Verkuyten M., Wohl M. J., Jasinskaja-Lahti I., Ariyanto A., et al.. (2018). Regaining in-group continuity in times of feet about the grouping's future. Soc. Psychol. 49, 311–329. 10.1027/1864-9335/a000350 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten M. (2015). The presence of the past: identity continuity and group dynamics. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. 26, 162–202. x.1080/10463283.2015.1112653 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten M., Martinovic B. (2014). Longing for the country's practiced sometime days: national nostalgia, autochthony beliefs, and opposition to Muslim expressive rights. Br. J. Soc. Psychol. 54, 561–580. 10.1111/bjso.12097 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Longing for the "good old days" of our country: national nostalgia as a new master-frame of populist radical-correct parties. J. Theoret. Soc. Psychol. 10.1002/jts5.78 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith E. R., Mackie D. M. (2016). Representation and incorporation of close others' responses: the RICOR model of social influence. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. xx, 311–331. x.1177/1088868315598256 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith East. R., Seger C. R., Mackie D. M. (2007). Tin emotions exist truly group level? Evidence for iv conceptual criteria. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 93, 431–446. 10.1037/0022-3514.93.3.431 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Steck L. Due west., Heckert D. Thousand., Heckert D. A. (2003). The salience of racial identity among African-American and White students. Race Soc. six, 57–73. 10.1016/j.racsoc.2004.09.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan Due west. G., Boniecki K. A., Ybarra O., Bettencourt A., Ervin K. South., Jackson 50. A., et al.. (2002). The part of threats in the racial attitudes of Blacks and Whites. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 28, 1242–1254. 10.1177/01461672022812009 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan Westward. One thousand., Stephan C. W. (2000). "An integrated threat theory of prejudice," in Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination ed Oskamp, South. (Mahwah, NJ: Psychology Press; ), 23–45. [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. 1000., Ybarra O., Bachman G. (1999). Prejudice toward immigrants. J. Appl. Soc. Psychol. 29, 2221–2237. 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb00107.10 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Usa Census Bureau (2020). Demographic Turning Points for the The states: Population Projections for 2020 to 2060. Retrieved from: https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2020/demo/p25-1144.pdf
• van Dijke Grand., Wildschut T., Leunissen J., Sedikides C. (2015). Nostalgia buffers the negative touch on of low procedural justice on cooperation. Organ. Behav. Hum. Decis. Process. 127, fifteen–29. 10.1016/j.obhdp.2014.eleven.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Bruder M., Robertson Due south., van Tilburg W. A. P., Sedikides C. (2014). Commonage nostalgia: a group-level emotion that confers unique benefits on the grouping. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 107, 844–863. 10.1037/a0037760 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2006). Nostalgia: content, triggers, functions. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 91, 975–993. 10.1037/0022-3514.91.v.975 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wohl M. J., Stefaniak A., Smeekes A. (2020). Longing is in the memory of the beholder: collective nostalgia content determines the method members volition support to make their group great once again. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 91:104044. 10.1016/j.jesp.2020.104044 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Zhou X., Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Gao D. G. (2008). Counteracting loneliness: on the restorative office of nostalgia. Psychol. Sci. 19, 1023–1029. 10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02194.10 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

---

Articles from Frontiers in Psychology are provided here courtesy of Frontiers Media SA

---

flywiford43.blogspot.com

Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/